Marriage is a fundamental social institution that profoundly influences individual and societal well-being – extensive literature has explored factors influencing marital decisions and outcomes. A higher percentage of married-parent families is strongly associated with economic growth, less child poverty, and increased household income (Wilcox et al. 2015; Lerman 1996; Pilossoph & Wee 2021). Moreover, marriage decisions are closely linked with social mobility and the wealth gap. Assortative mating, a trend where individuals choose partners from similar socioeconomic backgrounds, historically dominates the mating decisions in the marriage market (Chiappori et al. 2020; Charles et al. 2012; Olivetti et al. 2020). When people consistently choose partners with similar backgrounds, marriage could hinder social mobility and allow wealth to accumulate generationally, widening the existing gap across socioeconomic status (Greenwood et al. 2014; Eika et al. 2019; Hryshko et al. 2017; Fernández & Rogerson 2001).

Divergence in marital outcomes across socioeconomic status is also evident as a 2021 study revealed that 78% of college-educated women experience marriage lasting over 20 years, compared to only 41% among non-college-educated women (Karney 2021). Stability in a marriage is desirable, as divorce and separation are significant predictors of individuals’ wealth decline and lowering financial security, especially for women (Hogendoorn et al. 2019, Smock et al. 1999). The repercussions of divorce would further exacerbate the gap between higher and lower socioeconomic status; individuals without a college degree are less likely to remarry and face greater challenges to recover financially than their college-educated counterparts (Shafer & James 2013, Ozawa & Yoon 2002). 

Growing research on the impact of social origins on marriage outcomes offers valuable insights into marriage dynamics on a broader level, providing implications for family policies aimed at reducing inequality. This area of study is becoming increasingly important for understanding marriage patterns and for guiding the design of effective policies that support families and promote greater socioeconomic equity.



References

Behrman, J. R., & Rosenzweig, M. R. (2006). Parental wealth and adult children’s welfare in Marriage. Review of Economics and Statistics, 88(3), 496–509. https://doi.org/10.1162/rest.88.3.496

Charles, K. K., Hurst, E., & Killewald, A. (2012). Marital sorting and parental wealth. Demography, 50(1), 51–70. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-012-0144-6

Chiappori, P., Dias, M. C., & Meghir, C. (2020). Changes in assortative Matching: Theory and evidence for the US. Social Science Research Network. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3562705

Eika, L., Mogstad, M., & Zafar, B. (2019). Educational assortative mating and household income inequality. Journal of Political Economy, 127(6), 2795–2835. https://doi.org/10.1086/702018

Fernández, R., & Rogerson, R. (2001). Sorting and Long-Run inequality. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 116(4), 1305–1341. https://doi.org/10.1162/003355301753265589

Frémeaux, N. (2014). The Role of Inheritance and Labour Income in Marital Choices. Population, 69(4), 495–530. https://doi.org/10.3917/pope.1404.0495

Greenwood, J., Guner, N., Kocharkov, G., & Santos, C. (2014). Marry your like: Assortative mating and income inequality. American Economic Review, 104(5), 348–353. https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.5.348